Monday, 30 September 2019
Friday, 27 September 2019
CFA Institute Investment Foundations Program: Chapter 12 – Alternative Investments (Part I)
In
a previous article, we introduced the CFA Institute Investment Foundation
Program (Read
more here). It is a free program
designed for anyone who wants to enter or advance within the investment
management industry, including IT, operations, accounting, administration, and
marketing. Candidates who successfully
pass the online exam earn the CFA Institute Investment Foundations Certificate.
There
are total of 20 Chapters in 7 modules, covering all the essential topics in
finance, economics, ethics and regulations.
This series of articles will highlight the core knowledge of each
chapter.
Chapter
12 provides an overview of alternative investments. The learning outcome of
chapter 12 is as follows:
·
Describe
advantages and limitations of alternative investments;
·
Describe
private equity investments;
·
Describe
real estate investments;
·
Describe
commodity investments.
If
a public company needs funds to invest in a project, perhaps to build a new
production facility or to expand its operations abroad, it may turn to the
financial markets and issue the types of debt and equity securities discussed
in the Debt Securities and Equity Securities chapters. But what if an
entrepreneur needs money to start a promising new business? Or what if a young
company needs funds to grow, but it is not established well enough to seek an
initial public offering? The entrepreneur and the young company are not
established well enough to issue debt or equity securities to the public. In
addition, although they may seek loans from banks, the amount of money they can
borrow is often limited. Banks often do not finance new and young companies
because the risk of not getting the money back is too high. So, entrepreneurs
or young companies may turn to the venture capital sector to obtain the money
they need. Venture capitalists specialise in financing new and young companies.
They provide entrepreneurs and young companies with both the capital and the
expertise to launch and grow their businesses.
Venture
capital is a form of private equity, which is itself a type of alternative
investment. From an investor’s point of view, alternative investments are
diverse and typically include the following:
·
Private
equity: investments in
private companies—that is, companies that are not listed on a stock exchange
·
Real
estate: direct or
indirect investments in land and buildings
·
Commodities: investments in physical products, such
as precious and base metals (e.g., gold, copper), energy products (e.g., oil),
and agricultural products that are typically consumed (e.g., corn, cattle,
wheat) or used in the manufacture of goods (e.g., lumber, cotton, sugar)
Private
equity, real estate, and commodities are all considered alternative because
they represent an alternative to investing exclusively in “traditional” asset
classes, such as debt and equity securities. Although alternative investments
have gained prominence in the 21st century, they are not new; in fact, real
estate and commodities are among the oldest types of investments.
Exhibit
1 shows the results of a global survey of institutional investors regarding
their holdings of different assets. As of March 2012, almost 100% of
respondents invest in equity and debt. But 94% of them also hold some type of
alternative investments. On average, 22.4% of the respondents’ portfolios are
invested in alternative investments, with the most popular types being private
equity and private real estate.
Investors
add alternative investments to their portfolios for two main reasons:
·
to
enhance returns and
·
to reduce
risk by obtaining diversification benefits.
Although
alternative investments have the potential to enhance returns and reduce risk,
they also have limitations. Typically, alternative investments are
·
less
regulated and less transparent than traditional investments,
·
illiquid,
and
·
difficult
to value.
Exhibit
2 shows historical returns for various asset classes between 1990 and 2009. It
indicates that over the 20-year period, investments in private equity and real
estate have outperformed investments in equity and debt securities. However,
you should not conclude from this exhibit that alternative investments always
offer higher returns than other asset classes. During the global financial
crisis that started in 2008, many investors suffered losses on their private
equity and real estate investments and some of these losses were worse than
those on traditional investments, such as publicly traded equity.
Thursday, 26 September 2019
Wednesday, 25 September 2019
Why did Thomas Cook Collapse?
The
immediate answer is that it was unable to secure a £200m lifeline from
bankers/Government or investors.
But
really is that it? It goes back 12 years earlier (2007), when a merger with
MyTravel proved disastrous. Then debts ballooned to £1.7 billion and the
internet revolution in holiday booking upset traditional high-street sales. Add
Brexit uncertainty and the heatwave last summer, you have the ingredients for a
collapse.
The
British public has continued to take holidays and 60% of the population did so
in 2018 (up from 57% in 2017). The winners are Ryanair, easyJet and Airbnb and
the losers are package holiday companies with expensive high street outlets.
(Thomas Cook owns 560 such outlets). Just one in seven people walk into a high
street travel agency and these are the senior citizens – 65 years and above
with less money to spend.
Tui,
the Anglo-German rival, has smaller debts, owns hotels and cruise ships as
compared to Thomas Cook, who were not ready for the 21st Century.
Thomas Cook narrowly survived a near-death experience in 2011. Its debt pile
was already £1.1 billion and stayed afloat with emergency cash injection. Since
2011, Thomas Cook has paid out £1.2 billion in interest and that is a quarter
of the money charged for 11m holidays sold every year. Fosun, the Chinese
group, come in 2015 as part of a plan to build global holiday and entertainment
conglomerate. In August 2019, Fosun agreed to a cash injection of £450m for a
majority stake with banks to convert debt into equity.
Thomas
Cook employs 21,000 people and is the world’s oldest travel company, founded in
1841. The company had 19 million travellers a year in 16 countries generating £9.6
billion in revenue. More than 600,000 people used its services, including
150,000 British citizens.
What
next?
AlixPartners
UK LLP or KPMG will be appointed as special managers for the different parts of
the business. An order has been granted to liquidate the company.
Not everyone lost out with the collapse of Thomas Cook. Speculators including Sona Asset Management and XAIA Investment GmbH stand to earn as much as USD250 million from the bankruptcy. They invested in credit default swaps (CDS). The CDS would be worthless if Thomas Cook's rescue went through. So it was in the interest of hedge funds for Thomas Cook to default.
Not everyone lost out with the collapse of Thomas Cook. Speculators including Sona Asset Management and XAIA Investment GmbH stand to earn as much as USD250 million from the bankruptcy. They invested in credit default swaps (CDS). The CDS would be worthless if Thomas Cook's rescue went through. So it was in the interest of hedge funds for Thomas Cook to default.
What
can we learn?
Cashflow
is key to survival – six months forward in your till. Engineering change and
adapting to environment are essential. In fact, leading change is important.
But when you are too big, you become a little complacent. Borrowing from banks
must be minimal, unless you aim to collapse the company. Bankers, world-wide,
are driven by policies, credit scores, risk profile and all the rest of it!
Compassion is not in their vocabulary unless a central bank steps in with debt
resolution mechanisms for banks to adapt. Remain agile in a fast-changing
environment. Trust in God (and not the bankers!).
References:
1.
Thomas Cook collapses as last-ditch rescue talks fail, 23 Sept 2019, BBC News
2.
Patrick Collinson, Why did Thomas Cook collapse after 178 years in business? www.theguardian.com
3.
Kate Holton & Guy Faulconbridge, Thomas Cook collapses - What next and why?
www.reuters.com
Tuesday, 24 September 2019
The 20 Internet Giants That Rule the Web
Many of the
top websites in 1998 were basically news aggregators or search portals, which
are easy concepts to understand. Today, brand touch-points are often spread out
between devices (e.g. mobile apps vs. desktop site) and a myriad of services
and sub-brands (e.g. Facebook’s constellation of apps). As a result, the
world’s biggest websites are complex, interconnected web properties.
For
millions of curious people the late ’90s, the iconic AOL compact disc was the
key that opened the door to the World Wide Web. At its peak, an estimated 35
million people accessed the internet using AOL. By 1999,
the AOL rode the Dot-com bubble to dizzying heights, with a valuation of $222
billion dollars.
AOL’s brand may not carry the caché
it once did, but the brand never completely faded into obscurity. The company
continually evolved, finally merging with Yahoo after Verizon acquired both of
the legendary online brands. Verizon has high hopes for the company – called
Oath – to evolve into a “third option” for advertisers and users who are fed up
with Google and Facebook.
As internet
usage began to reach critical mass, web hosts such as AngelFire and GeoCities
made it easy for people to create a new home on the Web.
GeoCities,
in particular, made a huge impact on the early internet, hosting millions of
websites and giving people a way to actually participate in creating online
content. If the web host was a physical place, it would’ve been the third
largest city in America, just after Los Angeles.
This early online community was at
risk of being erased permanently when GeoCities was finally shuttered by Yahoo
in 2009, but the nonprofit Internet Archive took special efforts to create a thorough record of
GeoCities-hosted pages.
In December
of 1998, long before Amazon became the well-oiled retail machine,
the company was in the midst of a massive holiday season crunch.
In the real
world, employees were pulling long hours and even sleeping in cars to keep the
goods flowing, while online, Amazon.com had become one of the biggest sites on
the internet as people began to get comfortable with the idea of purchasing
goods online. Demand surged as the company began to expand their offering
beyond books.
Meredith –
with the possible exception of Oath – may be the most unrecognizable name to
many people looking at today’s top 20 list. While Meredith may not be a
household name, the company controls many of the country’s most popular
magazine brands (People, Sports Illustrated, Health, etc.) including their
sizable digital footprints. The company also has a number of local television
networks in the United States. After its acquisition of Time Inc. in 2017,
Meredith became the largest magazine publisher in the world.
When people
have burning questions, they increasingly turn to the internet for answers, but
the diversity of sources for those answers is shrinking. Even as recently as
2013, About.com, Ask.com, and Answers.com were still among the biggest websites
in America. Today though, Google appears to have cemented its status as a
universal wellspring of answers.
As smart speakers and
voice assistants continue penetrate the market and influence search behavior,
Google is unlikely to face any near-term competition from any company not
already in the top 20 list.
Social media has
long since outgrown its fad stage and is now a common digital thread connecting
people across the world. While Facebook rapidly jumped into the top 20 by 2007,
other social media infused brands took longer to grow into internet giants.
In 2018, Twitter, Snapchat, and
Facebook’s umbrella of platforms were are all in the top 20, with LinkedIn and
Pinterest not far behind.
Reference:
Nick
Routley, The 20 Internet Giants That Rule the Web www.visualcapitalist.com
Monday, 23 September 2019
Cost of War with Iran: Another Disaster?
About 17 years ago
President George W. Bush was persuaded to invade Iraq on alleged “weapons of
mass destruction” held by Saddam Hussein. That decision was made on some
dubious intelligence, contrary to any advice of U.S. allies and then
precipitated a humanitarian crisis.
The bill for that venture
was USD6 trillion so far and still counting. Nearly 7,000 Americans have been
killed and more than 600,000 U.S. troops injured. Opinion Research (ORB)’s
study estimates 1.0 million Iraqis have been killed in 2007. That figure rises
to over 2.4 million on current estimates (Code pink for Peace). War cannot
bring regime change.
The U.S. Federation of
Scientists estimates that even limited U.S. military action against Iran would
cost USD60 billion to USD2 trillion – in the first 3 months alone! Oil prices climbed from USD23 per barrel in 2003 to USD140 per barrel by summer
of 2008. War with Iran will most certainly disrupt supply and spike prices to
USD250 per barrel (according to industry experts).
The cost of war has been
paid by the national “credit card” – borrowed money, not taxes. Consequently,
U.S. national debt is at its highest since World War II. The burden of debt
will fall on lower/middle income households and on future generations of Americans.
The Trump policy of
withdrawing troops from conflict zone of Afghanistan and Iraq runs contrary to
bellicose, go-for-broke tactics in dealing with Iran. The maximum pressure
campaign is bad enough – it may not change Iran’s behaviour and is merely ratcheting
up tensions that may accidently get out of hand.
A better course is to
re-enter the Iran nuclear deal and “tweak” it to suit U.S. interests. But that
may require a new administration. However, with Bolton out of the picture,
maybe some parties may get their way to a peaceful resolution to the Iran
conflict.
References:
1. War
with Iran will cost more than the Iraq and Afghanistan wars, Linda J
Bilmes, Rosella Cappella Zielinski and Neta C Crawford, June 24, 2019 (www.bostonglobe.com)
2. War
with Iran would be disastrous and enormously costly, Wiliam Hartung, Sept
5, 2019 (www.forbes.com)
Source: https://www.globalvillagespace.com/us-iran-conflict-intensifies-who-is-to-blame/
Friday, 20 September 2019
CFA Institute Investment Foundations Program: Chapter 11 – Derivatives (Part III)
In
a previous article, we introduced the CFA Institute Investment Foundation
Program (Read
more here). It is a free program
designed for anyone who wants to enter or advance within the investment
management industry, including IT, operations, accounting, administration, and
marketing. Candidates who successfully
pass the online exam earn the CFA Institute Investment Foundations Certificate.
There
are total of 20 Chapters in 7 modules, covering all the essential topics in
finance, economics, ethics and regulations.
This series of articles will highlight the core knowledge of each
chapter.
Chapter
11 provides an overview of derivatives. The learning outcome of chapter 11 is
as follows:
·
Define
a derivative contract;
·
Describe
uses of derivative contracts;
·
Describe
key terms of derivative contracts;
·
Describe
forwards and futures;
·
Distinguish
between forwards and futures;
·
Describe
options and their uses;
·
Define
swaps and their uses.
Options
give one party (the buyer) to the contract the right to demand an action from
the other party (the seller) in the future. In an option contract, the buyer of
the option has the right, but not the obligation, to buy or sell the
underlying. Options are termed unilateral contracts because only one party to
the contract (the seller) has a future commitment that, if broken, represents a
breach of contract. Unilateral contracts expose only the buyer to the risk that
the seller will not fulfil the contractual agreement.
There
are two basic types of options: options to buy the underlying, known as call
options, and options to sell the underlying, known as put options.
·
An
investor who buys a call option has the right (but not the obligation) to buy
or call the underlying from the option seller at the exercise price until the
option expires.
·
An
investor who buys a put option has the right (but not the obligation) to sell
or put the underlying to the option seller at the exercise price until
expiration.
Call
options protect the buyer by establishing a maximum price the option buyer will
have to pay to buy the underlying; the maximum price is the exercise price.
·
A
call option is said to be “in the money” if the market price is greater
than the exercise price. In this case, the option would be exercised.
·
A
call option is “out of the money” if the market price is less than the
exercise price. In this case, the option would not be exercised.
·
A
call option is “at the money” if the market price and exercise price are
the same. In this case, the option may be exercised.
Put
options protect the buyer by establishing a minimum price the option buyer will
receive when selling the underlying; the minimum price is the exercise price.
·
A
put option is said to be “in the money” if the market price is
less than the exercise price. In this case, the option would be exercised.
·
A
put option is “out of the money” if the market price is greater
than the exercise price. In this case, the option would not be exercised.
·
A
put option is “at the money” if the market price
Option
premiums are expected to compensate option sellers for their risk. The option
premium represents the maximum profit that the option seller can make. If an
option seller underestimates the risk associated with the option, the premiums
may be far less than the losses incurred if the option is exercised.
The
following table shows the effects on an option’s premium for a call option and
a put option of an increase in each factor.
Swaps are typically derivatives in which two
parties exchange (swap) cash flows or other financial instruments over multiple
periods (months or years) for mutual benefit, usually to manage risk.
Swaps
in which two parties exchange cash flows include interest rate and currency
swaps. An interest rate swap, the most common type, allows companies to
swap their interest rate obligations (usually a fixed rate for a floating rate)
to manage interest rate risk, to better match their streams of cash inflows and
outflows, or to lower their borrowing costs. A currency swap enables
borrowers to exchange debt service obligations denominated in one currency for
equivalent debt service obligations denominated in another currency. By
swapping future cash flow obligations, the two parties can manage currency
risk.
Credit
default swaps (CDS) are
not truly swaps. Like options, credit default swaps are contingent claims and
unilateral contracts. One party buys a CDS to protect itself against a loss of
value in a debt security or index of debt securities; the loss of value is
primarily the result of a change in credit risk. The seller is providing
protection to the buyer against declines in value of the underlying. The seller
does this in exchange for a premium payment from the buyer; the premium
compensates the seller for the risk of the contract. The contract will specify
under what conditions the seller has to make payment to the buyer of the CDS.
Similar to sellers of options, sellers of CDS may misjudge the risk associated
with the contracts and incur losses far in excess of payments received to enter
into the contracts.
Thursday, 19 September 2019
Wednesday, 18 September 2019
Wealth Tax: Would It Work in the U.S.?
A
group of wealthy Americans have been urging the US presidential candidates to tax
them more. “The next dollar of new tax revenue should come from the most
financially fortunate, not from middle-income and lower-income Americans,” they
said.
The
group pointed out that a wealth tax could help address the climate crisis,
improve the economy, improve health outcomes, fairly create opportunity, and
strengthen the democratic freedoms. Instituting a wealth tax is in the interest
of the republic.
Several
candidates for President, including Senator Elizabeth Warren, Mayor Pete
Buttigieg, Representative Beto O’Rourke, and Representative Tim Ryan are
already supportive of the idea. In January 2019, Senator Warren proposed to raise
taxes on American households with a net wealth greater than $50 million, which
would only affect 75,000 of the wealthiest families in the country. The
proposal is straightforward: It puts in place a tax of 2 cents on the dollar on
assets after a $50 million exemption and an additional tax of 1 cent on the
dollar on assets over $1 billion. It is estimated to generate nearly $3
trillion in tax revenue over ten years.
The
Brookings paper, written by economists Emmanuel Saez and Gabriel Zucman — who
are also Warren’s economic advisors addresses some of the key criticisms of
Warren’s proposal:
1.
Wealth taxes have failed in Europe
14
European countries had a wealth tax in 1996, but eight of the countries abandoned
them by 2019. Saez and Zucman argue that the wealth tax repealed in Europe were
the result of poor policy choices. Due to low exemption thresholds, European
wealth taxes were levied on households with little cash but substantial
illiquid wealth. To avoid this problem, Elizabeth Warren has included an
exemption threshold of $50 million in her wealth tax proposal, which is 50
times higher than the typical European wealth tax.
2.
Tax evasion problem
Saez
and Zucman note that the passage of the Foreign Accounts Tax Compliance Act
(FATCA) puts the U.S. in a better position, compared with Europe to combat this
problem. The authors also recommend requiring third parties like financial
institutions, instead of household self-reporting to inform wealth balances to
the IRS.
3.
Reduction in the capital stock or a decrease in innovation
By
using the tax revenue to fund Warren’s projects, wealth inequality will
stabilize. Saez and Zucman argue that reduction in capital stock could be
offset by increasing savings from the rest of the population and the government.
In terms of the effects on innovation, Saez and Zucman reason that most
innovation is produced by young, not wealthy individuals (the wealthy tend to be
much older than average), who would not be impacted by a high-exemption wealth
tax. Moreover, Saez and Zucman argue that established businesses spend
resources protecting their dominant market positions which reduces innovation.
As a result, a wealth tax that only collects taxes from established business
owners could increase competition and thus innovation.
Saez
and Zucman pointed out that the greatest injustice of the US tax system today
is its regressivity at the very top: billionaires in the top 400 pay less
(relative to their true economic incomes) than the middle class. Of about 40
countries, the US is the sixth highest in terms of wealth concentration,
according to data from the Organization for Economic Co-operation and
Development.
The
super-wealthy who have signed the open letter believe that by taxing them the wealth
inequality could be slowed down. The wealth tax would be a key to both
addressing climate crisis, and a more competitive, stronger economy that would
better serve millions of Americans.
Reference:
1.
An Open Letter to the 2020 Presidential Candidates: It’s Time to Tax Us More,
24 June 2019
3.
Kate Patrick, Economists Weigh Whether Elizabeth Warren’s Wealth Tax Would
Actually Work www.insidesources.com
Tuesday, 17 September 2019
Hong Kong Protests: Who Funds It?
The
demonstrations in Hong Kong, have a global impact. What are the forces behind
this movement? Who provides the funds and who stands to benefit?
The
increasingly violent demonstrations in Hong Kong are completely embraced and
enthusiastically supported in the U.S. corporate media and all the political
parties in the U.S. and Britain. This should be a danger sign to everyone
fighting for change and for social progress.
The
disruptive actions involve helmeted and masked protesters using gasoline bombs,
flaming bricks, arson and steel bars, random attacks on buses, and airport and
mass transit shutdowns. Among the most provocative acts was an organized
break-in at the Hong Kong legislature where “activists” vandalized the building
and hung the British Union Jack.
The
New York Times described the airport shutdown: “The protests at the airport
have been deeply tactical, as the largely leaderless movement strikes at a
vital economic artery. Hong Kong International Airport, which opened in 1998,
the year after China reclaimed the territory from Britain, serves as a gateway
to the rest of Asia. Sleek and well run, the airport accommodates nearly 75
million passengers a year and handles more than 5.1 million metric tons of
cargo.” (Aug. 14)
U.S.
media have consistently labelled these violent actions “pro-democracy.” But are
they?
Hong
Kong police are denounced in the U.S. media for violence, but actually have
shown great restraint. Despite months of violent confrontations, with flaming
bottles constantly thrown, no one has been killed.
There
is no such favourable media coverage or support from U.S. politicians for
demonstrations of desperate workers and peasants in Honduras, Haiti or the
Philippines, or for the Yellow Vest movement in France. There is never an
official condemnation when demonstrators are killed in Yemen or Kashmir or in
weekly demonstrations in Gaza against Israeli occupation.
While
Hong Kong protests receive widespread attention, there is no similar coverage
of or political support for Black Lives Matter demonstrations in the U.S. or
the masses protesting racist Immigration and Customs Enforcement raids and
roundups of migrants.
The
escalating demonstrations are linked to the U.S. trade war, tariffs and
military encirclement of China. Four hundred—half—of the 800 U.S. overseas
military bases surround China. Aircraft carriers, destroyers, nuclear
submarines, jet aircraft, Terminal High Altitude Area Defense missile
batteries, and satellite surveillance infrastructures are positioned in the
South China Sea, close to Hong Kong. Media demonization is needed to justify
and intensify this military presence.
Encouraging
the demonstrations goes hand-in-hand with international efforts to bar Huawei
5G technology, the cancelation of a joint study of cancer and the arrest of
Chinese corporate officers. All these acts are designed to exert maximum
pressure on China, divide the leadership, destabilize economic development and
weaken China’s resolve to maintain any socialist planning.
British
imperialism, in the 155 years it ruled Hong Kong, denied rights to millions of
workers. There was no elected government, no right to a minimum wage, unions,
decent housing or health care, and certainly no freedom of the press or freedom
of speech. These basic democratic rights were not even on the books in colonial
Hong Kong.
Hong
Kong is stolen land. This spectacular deep-water port in the South China Sea,
was seized by Britain in the 1842 Opium Wars. After negotiations with Britain
had dragged on through the 1980s, the British imposed another unequal treaty on
the People’s Republic of China.
Under
the 1997 “One Country, Two Systems” agreement that officially returned Hong
Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories to the PRC, Britain and China agreed to
leave “the previous capitalist system” in place for 50 years.
In
1997 Hong Kong’s gross domestic product was 27 percent of China’s gross
domestic product. It is now a mere 3 percent and falling. Much to U.S. and
British frustration, the world’s largest banks are now in China and they are
state-owned banks.
For
the last 10 years wages have been stagnant in Hong Kong while rents have
increased 300 percent; it is the most expensive city in the world. In Shenzhen,
wages have increased 8 percent every year, and more than 1 million new, public,
green housing units at low rates are nearing completion.
What
confounds the capitalist class, far more than China’s incredible growth, is
that the top 12 Chinese companies on U.S. Fortune 500 list are all state-owned
and state-subsidized. They include massive oil, solar energy,
telecommunications, engineering and construction companies, banks and the auto
industry. (Fortune.com, July 22, 2015)
U.S.
corporate power is deeply threatened by China’s level of development through
the Belt and Road Initiative and its growing position in international trade
and investment.
Over
the past month, the media has been reporting that groups involved in the
protests have received significant funding from the National Endowment for
Democracy (NED), “a CIA soft-power cut-out that has played a critical role in
innumerable US regime-change operations, ” according to writer Alexander
Rubinstein.
The
report claimed that the NED has four main branches, at least two of which are
active in Hong Kong: the Solidarity Center (SC) and National Democratic
Institute (NDI).
“The
latter has been active in Hong Kong since 1997, and NED funding for Hong
Kong-based groups has been consistent,” Louisa Greve, vice president of
programmes for Asia, Middle East and North Africa, was quoted.
While
NED funding for groups in Hong Kong goes back to 1994, 1997 was when the
British returned the territory to China, it was reported.
The
report said in 2018, NED granted US$155,000 (RM645,885) to SC and US$200,000
(RM833,400) to NDI for work in Hong Kong, and US$90,000 (RM375,000) to Hong
Kong Human Rights Monitor (HKHRM), which isn’t a branch of NED, but a partner
in Hong Kong. Between 1995 and 2013, HKHRM received more than US$1.9mil
(RM7.9mil) in funds from the NED.
The
NED was set up in 1983 to channel grants for “promoting democracy” and it’s
said that it receives US$100mil (RM416mil) annually from relevant agencies.
The
U.S. is demanding that China abandon state support of its industries, the
ownership of its banks and national planning. But contrasting the decay,
growing poverty and intense alienation in Hong Kong with the green vibrant city
of Shenzhen across the river shows that there are two choices for China today, modern
socialist planning or a return to the colonial past.
Reference:
The
cost of the Hong Kong protests, 4 August 2019, The Star